From: "Frances H. Rauscher"
Reply-To: rauscher@vaxa.cis.uwosh.edu
Organization: Psychology Dept. Univeristy of Wisconsin, Oshkosh
Dear Kate,
I am grateful for Artsedge's support of my work, and look forward to
a continued relationship. However, after reading your email I feel
that it is extremely important to point out a few things.
First, the NPR broadcast did not "debunk" my research. The word
"debunk" is defined by the American Heritage Dictionary as "to expose
the falseness, sham, or exaggerated claims of." Our actual research
made no exaggerated claims, despite the fact that media reports of it
did. I know your use of the term came directly from NPR's promo, but
I believe we should all be careful not to use such strong language
when it does not apply. (This may seem to be an unimportant
distinction, but to a scientist it is an enormous one.)
Second, it is important to bear in mind that the report was on our
1993 research exploring the effects of *listening to* music on
college students' spatial-temporal abilities. It did not address our
studies of music instruction, or our work on music and the brain, and
should be considered limited in scope.
Third, there were some serious flaws in both the Harvard graduate
student's research ( Chris Chabris) mentioned in the piece, as well
as in the Appalachian State work by Ken Steele. My comments,
addressing as many of these flaws as was possible in 600 words, are
published in last week's Nature along with their letters, for those
who are interested. Because some of your recipients may not have
convenient access to the journal, I have appended a draft of the
response I sent to Nature to this email.
Many recipients of your email will not bother to check out the NPR
web site and most will not read the Nature research. People will
therefore assume that my work has not been replicated, based on your
email. In fact, it has been replicated at least 12 times, 7 of which
replications were carried out by independent laboratories.
As I say in my Nature response, "Because some people cannot get bread
to rise does not negate the existence of a "yeast effect."
Thanks for your time.
--Fran
Counterpoint to Chabris and Steele
My colleagues and my research on the effects of listening to Mozart
Sonata K. 448 on spatial-temporal task performance (1,2,3) has
generated much public interest and, subsequently, several
misconceptions, many of which are reflected in attempts to replicate
the research. Chabris and Steeles letters echo the most
common of these: Listening to Mozart enhances intelligence. Our
reports made no such claims. The effect is limited to
spatial-temporal tasks involving mental imagery and temporal
ordering.
Chabris oversight led him to include in his analysis "abstract
reasoning" tasks other than spatial-temporal tasks, a subset of the
former. He overlooked four studies, 4-7 all demonstrating a Mozart
effect, and excluded comparisons of scores following Mozart versus
other composers (2,4,8-9), further undermining his results. Finally,
Chabris claim that the effect is limited to one task is
incorrect. It has been demonstrated with three other spatial-temporal
tasks (6-7,10). Chabris attributes "
whatever
remains of
the Mozart effect
" to IQ test variation, a fair hypothesis had
the Mozart effect anything to do with overall IQ. Test-retest
reliability of spatial-temporal scores must be significantly smaller
than that of general IQ score, a composite of many unrelated
sub-tests.
Chabris dismisses the neural model11 that motivated the original
report (1), proposing the following: Mozart produces "enjoyment
arousal," a right-hemisphere function, as is spatial-temporal task
performance. Other abstract reasoning tasks (i.e., Ravens Matrices)
are left-hemisphere functions. Chabris claims music therefore
improves spatial-temporal tasks, not matrix tasks, due to a shared
right-hemisphere locus. However, listening to music also includes
processing, for example, rhythmic information, a left hemisphere
function (12). Chabris reasoning would then predict that music
produces enhancement of left-hemisphere tasks, such as Ravens
Matrices, due to a shared left-hemisphere locus. These tasks,
however, are not improved by music.
Irregardless, several studies suggest that the "enjoyment arousal"
explanation is unlikely. First, rats exposed to the Mozart sonata in
utero plus 60 days post-partem during their waking cycles learned a
spatial maze faster and with fewer errors over days than controls
(13). It seems unlikely that these animals improved learning
was due to pleasure they derived from the treatment. Second, students
who listened to Mozart, Mendelssohn, relaxation instructions, or
silence demonstrated a Mozart effect despite ratings of the
Mendelssohn work as maximally arousing (4). Third, students who
listened to the Mozart sonata scored higher on a spatial-temporal
task than after they listened to other stimuli, regardless of their
preference (5). Finally, researchers investigating the Mozart effect
on epileptiform activity found that the sonata produced a reversal of
epileptic state in comatose patients (14). No effects were found from
exposure to control music. According to the researchers, this finding
strongly suggests that the effect is not caused by emotional state or
arousal.
Steeles report summarizes three non peer-reviewed studies
claiming the absence of a Mozart effect, each utilizing a different
design. Not one design replicated the original reports (1-3),
introducing several methodological concerns. For example,
spatial-temporal task performance varies widely between individuals,
making randomization an inefficient method of ensuring uniform
before-treatment task proficiency (2). What measures were taken by
the two studies employing between-subjects designs to tackle this?
Also, was testing performed blind, as in other replications (1-5)?
Steeles account, based on unpublished studies and virtually no
literature review, is as scientifically useful as media reports
claiming that Mozart makes one smarter. Chabris analysis is
incomplete and includes studies not relevant to the effect he was
supposedly exploring; Steeles report is sketchy and
ill-informed. Although the Mozart effect cannot be found under all
laboratory conditions, several studies have successfully replicated
it (1-10,13,15-16). It does, in fact, exist. Correspondingly, the
fact that some people cannot get bread to rise does not negate the
existence of a "Yeast effect."
Frances H. Rauscher
Department of Psychology
University of Wisconsin
Oshkosh, WI 54901 USA
References
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(1993).
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